The first major auto show of the New Year is upon us and this is your complete guide to all the new cars and concepts making their world and North American debuts in Detroit.
The 2018 North American International Auto Show (NAIAS), which is just as often called the Detroit Auto Show, takes place in downtown Detroit at the Cobo Center. International press days are held on January 14 to 16 with public access running from January 20 through 28.
While, admittedly, the number of premieres hosted in Detroit has declined over the years, as the Los Angeles and New York auto shows gain more and more traction with carmakers in America, the NAIAS remains one of the most important automotive events on the continent.
This year, we’ll see a parade of notable concept and production car debuts ranging from the renewed VW Jetta and Toyota Avalon sedans to the BMW i8 Roadster and the Infiniti Sedan and Lexus Flagship SUV studies.
Naturally, it wouldn’t be 2018 without trucks and SUVs, with debutants including the first new generation of the iconic Mercedes-Benz G-Class in three decades and the next Chevrolet Silverado.
There are also a handful of lust-worthy debuts that have been rumored, but not yet confirmed, such as the elusive mid-engine Corvette C8 and the Ford Mustang Shelby GT500 and Bullitt duo.
We’ve compiled a preliminary list of the definite as well as whispered 2018 NAIAS premieres in alphabetical order below, which we’ll keep updating on a daily basis as the show approaches and news becomes available.
Note: F/L = Facelifted, NC= Not Confirmed
PRODUCTION CARS
Audi A7 Sportback
BMW i8 Coupe F/L
BMW i8 Roadster
BMW X2
Chevrolet Corvette C8 Mid-Engine [NC]
Chevrolet Silverado
Ford Mustang Shelby GT500 [NC]
Ford Mustang Bullitt [NC]
Ford Ranger [NC]
GMC Sierra [NC]
Hyundai Veloster
Jeep Cherokee F/L
Lamborghini Urus
Mercedes-AMG CLS 53 PHEV [NC]
Mercedes-AMG Four Door GT [NC]
Mercedes-Benz G-Class
Ram 1500 F/L
Rolls-Royce Phantom
Toyota Avalon
VW Jetta
CONCEPT MODELS
Acura RDX Prototype
BMW X7 iPerformance
GAC Motor EV Concept
Honda Insight Prototype
Infiniti Sedan Concept
Lexus LF-1 SUV Concept
SPECIAL COVERAGE
Toyota’s Future EV Product Plans
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Some Bharatiya Janata Party spokespersons worked up enough of a froth to call Pakistan a failed state. It may give us temporary and psychic satisfaction calling Pakistan a failed state, but its leaders cannot stop smirking at our naivete. Nothing gives the Pakistanis greater pleasure than to see Indians throwing a fit over what they have done. The least we can do is not give them this kind of vicarious satisfaction by exhibiting impotence. The Jadhav case shows how, despite 70 years of being witness to Pakistan’s perfidies, we seem to understand so little about them. The only way to handle the Jadhav crisis is to speak very little about it, find leverage and get his released in exchange for someone Pakistan values (like its own armymen). Pakistan may be a rogue state, which follows no canons of justice or law when it comes to dealing with us. It may be a “greedy” state, an ideological state whose sole purpose is to fundamentally change the status quo in the sub-continent. It may be a “security” state, one that is excessively obsessed with security. But the one thing it is not is a “failed state.” Given the contradictions emerging within Pakistan and its description of itself as an Islamic state, and a largely Sunni one at that, and especially following the separation of Bangladesh in 1971, Indians have come to believe that the idea of Pakistan will ultimately crumble and fail. Maybe it will. But “a failed state” is not one that is merely unable to keep itself in one piece. That has happened often enough – in Russia, Yugoslavia, Indonesia (East Timor), Cyprus, Sudan, etc. But the rump state continues as before in all these cases, and have possibly grown even stronger than before, now that they have shed their weaker parts. The only definition of a failed state is one where central authority completely withers and dies, and the economy is unable to provide it the wherewithal to defend itself. This is not the case with Pakistan. Since 2009, foreign investors have not given Pakistan a miss, and the Karachi Stock Exchange has been the third best-performing bourse in the world. Moreover, with the backing of the world’s second superpower, China, especially through its investment in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), the puny Pakistani economy is gaining ballast, growing at over 5 per cent, annually. Terror may be tearing its cities apart, but the idea of Pakistan is holding. And let’s not forget: in terms of reforms, a Pakistan under army control will be able to push them faster than India with its fractious politics. So the economy will hold up in the foreseeable future. Most important, a state fails when it is unable to define itself or its strategic goals coherently. But this is the last thing one can say about Pakistan. Even when it was yet to be cleaved from pre-1947 India, Pakistan has never been unsure of its destiny or what it wants: an Islamic state that will ultimately rule over most of sub-continent. Not only that. In a country where the army is the state, political parties and civil society do not matter. At best, they may be used as temporary covers while the army recoups its credibility after reverses (as in 1971). It has the military, and nuclear heft, to hold itself together, even if it means perpetrating the worst kind of brutalities. It is happy to take one nibble at time, with Kashmir Valley obviously being the first objective. Venkat Dhulipala, author of Creating a New Medina, who looked at Muslim politics in the United Provinces (currently day Uttar Pradesh), says that from Day One the idea of Pakistan was modelled on the Prophet’s decision to create a new community of believers in Medina, when the Meccans were unwilling to accept his radical ideas. When the idea of Pakistan was being conceived and key leaders of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind were supportive of the Congress in the name of a “composite” nationalism (muttahida qaumiyat), a prominent dissident from Deoband, Ashraf Ali Thanavi, said no Muslim could be part of a party or a nation whose leaders were not decisively Muslims. He asked all Muslims to stay away from syncretic ideas. Mohammad Ali Jinnah, after initially using the idea of Pakistan to excite Muslims and make himself their sole spokesman, soon gave up his “secular” credentials and started believing in Islamism. At one point, he fantasised that “Pakistan holds the key to the liberation of the entire Islamic world.” (Note: All quotes from pre-independence Pakistani leaders are from Dhulipala’s book) The Raja of Mahmudabad, a close Jinnah aide, told his Muslim audiences repeatedly: “The creation of an Islamic state – mark my words gentlemen – I say Islamic, not Muslim, is our ideal.” How much different is this from the Hizbul Mujahideen commander in Kashmir, Zakir Rashid Bhat, who said last month that the stone-pelters should think of themselves as fighting for Islam, and not a nationalistic cause. “I want to tell these brothers that they should not fall for nationalism”, for “nationalism and democracy are not permissible in Islam.” Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman, another early convert to the idea of an Islamic Pakistan before 1947, went to the extent of comparing the Prophet’s moves as an attempt to create the first Pakistan in the Arabian Peninsula. The Indian one was thus the second Pakistan. He too bluntly declared: “Pakistan is not the final goal of the Muslims. We want more. Pakistan is only jumping off the ground. The time is not far distant when the Muslim countries will have to stand in line with Pakistan and then only the jumping ground will have reached its fruition.” In other words, Pakistan is the staging post for global Islamism. It may never happen, but the idea of Pakistan is about Islamist supremacy, not very different from the goals of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. General Raheel Sharif, till recently Chief of the Pakistani Army, has been appointed head of an Islamic military alliance, which once again testifies that Pakistan is using events in West Asia to further its own existential cause. Ideology, not territory, is the motivating factor behind the idea of the Pakistan state. As long as it holds on to its idea, Pakistan cannot be called a failed state. Pakistan is a state of mind, not just a defined geographical area. 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